What does it mean to be a republic? And is our system functioning properly?

“These unusual individuals label themselves republicans.”

Daniel Carpenter, the Allie S. Freed Professor of Government, showed his students a snapshot of passionate protesters waving red, white, and blue banners. However, this modern newspaper image did not feature any crimson MAGA caps.

“They gathered, dressed in yellow for optimal visibility, to shout: ‘Not my king!’” Carpenter detailed.

These self-identified British republicans, who opposed the coronation of King Charles III in 2023, provided an ideal introduction to Carpenter’s spring 2025 course “What is a Republic?” This Gen Ed course, also offered online through Harvard Extension School, resonates profoundly in the present political climate. Enrollment has surged to four times the usual numbers since Carpenter last lectured on it two years prior, with over 250 students registered this semester.

“The course overview was intriguing, as it emphasized that a republic is actually something quite specific,” remarked student Michael Zhao ’25, a dual major in computer science and government hailing from California. “It’s a framework where authority is derived through representation from the populace and is maintained in public roles rather than by individuals.”

Carpenter’s presentations will culminate in a thorough exploration of the 18th-century foundation and the long-term development of America’s unique brand of republican governance, alongside an examination of France’s Third and Fifth Republics. Initially, however, Carpenter is guiding his students through historical examples of republics and proto-republican systems, showcasing their diverse strategies for establishing authority — involving both elected and appointed officials.

Many contemporary governing bodies, including Congress and various parliaments globally, owe a significant debt to ancient Rome during its republican era (approximately 509 B.C. to 27 B.C.). Cast aside the control of kings, Roman citizens were tasked with electing representatives for different assemblies. This period also saw elected and appointed officials responsible for overseeing public assets such as infrastructure and tax income.

“How to balance responsiveness to popular sovereignty with institutional reliability. How to uphold trust in governance. How to ensure officeholders are accountable. These are challenges that have confronted republican systems for centuries,” Zhao acknowledged.

Even non-representative systems contributed to some foundational aspects of modern republics. Medieval Europe witnessed the emergence of the first Catholic bishoprics (or dioceses) rising from the remnants of earlier Roman territories. Although these clerical regions did not practice representative governance, Carpenter explained, the republican state-builders of later periods could not resist emulating the intricate administrations of the wealthiest bishoprics.

“One lens through which to view European development is by examining where these diverse bishoprics began to emerge,” Carpenter stated while indicating a map of Europe from the early sixth century. “It serves as a reasonable predictor of where universities are likely to arise. It also predicts where urban growth will commence. Additionally, it predicts medieval trade routes.”

Accountability lies at the heart of a thriving republic, with elections serving as a vital check. However, one of the earliest methods of ensuring accountability was accessible even to women, the impoverished, and other marginalized populations by the medieval period.

“How do individuals beneath the nobility participate in politics?” Carpenter queried. “One of the few, but enduring, methods of representation is through petitions.”

Republican Rome had various methods and venues for voicing grievances. Nevertheless, evidence points to petitioning gaining traction within what Carpenter described as the “hierarchical, profoundly unequal, and decentralized world” of sixth to 12th-century Europe.

Before long, audits and oaths became additional means of keeping the powerful accountable and more responsive. “These institutions also experienced significant development in the most advanced bishoprics and cathedral chapters,” the educator remarked.

Beyond attending lectures, students enrolled in the course participate in weekly discussion segments and engage with a rigorous reading list. Assignments during the first week included the Declaration of Independence and essential Federalist Papers. The second week immersed students in both classic and modern narratives of ancient Rome — the home of one of humanity’s longest-lasting republics.

“I truly value the academic rigor I’m gaining from this class,” expressed Jack Flanigan ’27, a social studies major from New York City. “His teaching approach is broad and integrates various strands of scholarship into a cohesive narrative.”

One reading that resonated strongly was Niccolò Machiavelli’s “Discorsi,” wherein the Italian Renaissance political thinker drew insights from the gradual ascent and more abrupt decline of Rome’s republic.

“Machiavelli discussed the significance of having a mixed government,” commented Joshua Eneji ’28, a Texas local considering majors in history, literature, and government. “He argued that having only one form of governance is destined to fail. It should be intertwined with multiple governing forms to ensure stability.”

For two decades, Carpenter, a scholar of bureaucratic politics and the administrative state, has been teaching this study of republics. “You gain insights into the separation of powers, the operation of assemblies, the significance of offices, and other institutions not usually highlighted in other government courses,” Carpenter noted, who is currently writing a book based on this class.

Interest in the topic has escalated. “Certain notions people assumed were stable for decades or centuries are being questioned,” observed the chair of the Government Department in a conversation. “Thus, Harvard students are eager to understand: What elements are currently being destabilized? How did they achieve stability initially? And how do they begin to disintegrate?”

One factor that can impede this exploration, Carpenter cautioned the class, is an attachment to perspectives shaped by the politically charged landscape of 21st-century America. His introductory lecture addressed the “lazy trope,” prevalent on social media and among specific think-tanks, that America is a republic, not a democracy — or a democracy, not a republic.

He attributed this to a blend of partisanship and presentism. “It’s a historical coincidence that one of our political factions carries the name Republicans — and the other is named Democrats,” he remarked. “Moreover, neither of these parties existed during our country’s inception.”

“I implore you,” he continued, “to release your biases by asserting, ‘Oh, I desperately want this to be a democracy’ or ‘I intensely want this to be a republic.’ It’s plausible that it embodies both.”