closer-look-at-‘coolest-dictator-in-the-world’

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Nayib Bukele.

El Salvador President Nayib Bukele during a White House visit last month.

Win McNamee/Getty Images


Nation & World

Examination of ‘coolest dictator in the world’

Sociologist examines the ascent, career of the Salvadoran leader perceived by some as a rescuer, while others deem him authoritarian


7 min read

President Nayib Bukele is both extensively admired and significantly contentious in El Salvador.

However, he was relatively unknown in the U.S. until his trip to the White House in April to emphasize his collaboration with the U.S. government’s strategy to transfer certain migrants to El Salvador for detention.

Born into an affluent family of Palestinian descent, Bukele has garnered support in El Salvador owing to his extensive offensive against the nation’s formidable criminal syndicates with an “iron fist” approach. Detractors argue he has also violated constitutional rights and civil freedoms and aims to limit media independence.

In this modified discussion, Professor of Sociology Jocelyn Viterna, who has explored El Salvador for over three decades, shared insights about Bukele’s ascent to authority and her apprehensions regarding his tactics.

Jocelyn Viterna.

Jocelyn Viterna.

Harvard file photo


Bukele has humorously dubbed himself as the “the coolest dictator in the world.” How would you characterize his political ideology?

Before Bukele assumed the presidency in 2019, he served as the mayor of a modest suburb near San Salvador and then as mayor of San Salvador. He labeled himself as a leftist politician running under an FMLN (a previous rebel faction) banner, but he became disillusioned with the FMLN like many citizens in the country.

At the conclusion of his term as San Salvador’s mayor, he had transformed into an independent political figure. He established his own party, Nuevas Ideas, and began to embrace a populist persona — claiming he was neither right nor left, but something innovative. Initially, he presented himself as heavily invested in the growth of El Salvador through its citizens, economy, and particularly through tourism. However, since 2022, with a crackdown on gang violence in El Salvador, his identity has leaned towards a more authoritarian style.

Could you elaborate on what that entails in practice? 

Between Bukele’s contentious second term in 2024, which he secured after stacking the Supreme Court with loyalists who ruled in favor of his candidacy despite constitutional restrictions, and the ongoing state of exception, we have witnessed a total dismantling of democratic checks and balances. This encompasses assaults on the press and his readiness to incarcerate individuals who oppose his initiatives or whom he perceives as insufficiently loyal.

Citizens now possess a sense of security; they can venture out at night, as Bukele has mitigated gang violence in El Salvador. Yet, they remain apprehensive about speaking freely. I used to conduct interviews in El Salvador in the late 1990s and early 2000s shortly after the civil conflict, and I never encountered anyone who wouldn’t candidly express their political views or opinions regarding the government. Presently, everyone, including doctors, lawyers, and politicians, fears voicing any criticisms of the administration.

What deeply concerns me is that the state of exception, which has suspended civil rights and due process, is resulting in numerous other crimes being unreported. For instance, reports indicate that law enforcement is increasingly resorting to extrajudicial violence, yet no one comes forward due to fear of imprisonment.

“It’s challenging to emphasize how exasperated the nation was with the two primary political parties, due to the corruption both were involved in, and particularly with the exceptionally high levels of violence.”

Bukele enjoys an approval rating of over 80 percent in El Salvador. What accounts for his apparent popularity?

There are several factors. Firstly, when Bukele campaigned for president, many individuals across the political spectrum regarded him as a symbol of change, distinct from traditional politicians. It’s difficult to underestimate how exasperated the population was with the two primary political parties, overwhelmed by the corruption both were entangled in, and particularly by the alarmingly high rates of violence.

The second reason for Bukele’s popularity is his success in lowering gang violence and homicide rates in El Salvador. Criminal organizations once dominated vast regions of the country and were extremely ruthless; numerous individuals lost their lives, their children, and their assets. Now, citizens experience safety and relief from gang-related violence for the first time in over twenty years.

And the third reason is that Bukele excels in public relations. He is highly skilled at leveraging social media, and he has implemented laws that have limited media outlets’ ability to criticize him. With such absolute control over the narrative, he often portrays a depiction that sustains his popularity.

El Salvador previously had one of the highest murder rates in the region due to violent criminal gangs. How did Bukele succeed in controlling them?

There are numerous unresolved questions, but what our own
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U.S. Department of Justice has indicated that early in his initial term, Bukele participated in unlawful discussions with gangs to reduce violence.

Bukele has refuted these claims; however, some evidence suggests his interactions with the gangs. For instance, in March 2022, the gangs purportedly believed that Bukele was failing to uphold his commitments and launched a widespread killing spree. They murdered 87 individuals in a single weekend — the highest toll since the civil war in El Salvador within just one day.

Certain news outlets suggest that this incident motivated Bukele to intensify his crackdown on gangs; he instituted a state of exception that was intended to last 90 days, yet it has now extended into its third year.

During the following sweeps, approximately 80,000 to 90,000 more individuals were incarcerated in El Salvador, and Bukele’s administration acknowledged that at least 8,000 innocent individuals were swept up in these operations. Due to the state of exception and absence of due process, it remains uncertain how and when these people will be released from prison.

Why is Bukele collaborating with the Trump administration on immigration?

Bukele has excelled by employing a “mano dura” strategy, portraying himself as a decisive leader who will resolve issues swiftly and efficiently, refusing to accept objections. I believe that showcasing his achievements in El Salvador from the White House was an opportunity he found hard to resist.

What are Salvadorans’ views on Bukele’s decision to imprison deported migrants from the U.S.?

I have been astonished by their overall positivity regarding this issue, at least on social media. This surprises me because the Salvadoran diaspora, primarily those residing in the United States, plays a crucial role in sustaining the economy that Bukele manages.

I am quite troubled by the fact that Bukele, the first Salvadoran president ever invited to the White House, missed out on the chance to request an extension of TPS [Temporary Protected Status, which enables immigrants from troubled countries to reside and work in the U.S.] or propose a work-exchange initiative, or even to champion the migrants in the U.S. Instead, he laughed and made light of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, who was mistakenly detained by ICE and sent back to El Salvador.

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